Forfatterarkiv: Redaktionen

Ugens citat: Galbraith om USSR anno 1984

Ugens mest afdøde venstreorienterede økonom skrev i 1984 følgende om Sovjetunionens daværende økonomiske styrke:

“That the Soviet economy has made great material progress in recent years is evident both from the statistics … and from the general urban scene … One sees it in the appearance of solid well-being of the people on the streets, the close-to-murderous traffic, the incredible exfoliation of apartment houses, and the general aspect of restaurants, theaters, and shops … Partly, the Russian system succeeds, because, in contrast with the Western industrial economies, it makes full use of its manpower.”

Hat-tip: Adam Smith Institute blog.

Ugens citat: O'Rourke om kollektivisme

Journalisten, forfatteren og spasmageren P.J. O’Rourke er en af de meget få skribenter, som man i 9 ud af 10 tilfælde ikke kan genlæse for meget.  Så når man mangler en eller anden at citere, kan man jo altid gribe ned i stablen af citatbare O’Rourke-klassikere.  Her er lidt fra essayet “How to Explain Conservatism to Your Squishy Liberal Friends: Individualism ‘R’ Us“:*

“Why can’t life be more fair? Why can’t Americans take better care of each other? Why can’t we share the tremendous wealth of our nation? Surely if enough safeguards of liberty are written into law and we elect vigorous, committed leaders …

Have another hit on the bong.

Collectivism doesn’t work because it’s based on a faulty economic premise. There is no such thing as a person’s “fair share” of wealth. The gross national product is not a pizza that must be carefully divided because if I get too many slices, you have to eat the box. The economy is expandable and, in any practical sense, limitless.

Under collectivism, powers of determination rest with the entire citizenry instead of with the specific citizens. Individual decision-making is replaced by the political process. Suddenly, the system that elected the prom queen at your high school is in charge of your whole life. Besides, individuals are smarter than groups, as anybody who is a member of a committee or of a large Irish family after six in the evening can tell you. The difference between individual intelligence and group intelligence is the difference between Harvard University and the Harvard University football team.

Think of all the considerations that go into each decision you make: Is it ethical? Is it good in the long run? Who benefits? Who is harmed? What will it cost? Does it go with the couch? Now imagine a large group-imagine a very large group, say, 250 million people-trying to agree on every decision made by every person in the country. The result would be stupid, silly and hugely wasteful-in short, the result would be government.

Individuals are not only smarter than groups, they are also-and this is one of the best things about them-weaker than groups. To return to Harvard for a moment, it’s the difference between picking a fight with the football team and picking a fight with Michael Kinsley.

Collectivism makes for a very large and, hence, very powerful group. This power is centralized in the government. Any power is open to abuse.

Government power is not necessarily abused more often than personal power, but when the abuse does come, it’s a lulu. At work, power over the whole supply cabinet is concentrated in the person of the office manager. In government, power over the entire military is concentrated in the person of the commander-in-chief. You steal felt tip pens. Hitler invades Poland.

Most government abuse of power is practiced openly, and much of it is heartily approved by The Washington Post editorial board and other such proponents of the good and the fair. But any time the government treats one person differently than another because of the group to which that person belongs-whether it’s a group of rich, special-interest tax dodgers or a group of impoverished, minority job-seekers-individual equality is lessened and freedom is diminished. Any time the government gives away goods and services-even if it gives them away to all people equally-individual dependence is increased and freedom is diminished. Any time the government makes rules about people’s behavior when that behavior does not occasion real and provable harm to others-telling you to buckle your seat belt or forbidding you to publish pornography on the Internet-respect for the individual is reduced and freedom is diminished.”

* Det burde være unødvendigt, men for en ordens skyld: P.J. anvender her “conservative” og “liberal” i begrebernes amerikanske betydning.

Ugens citat: Steyn om "kooks with nukes", Iran, DK, etc.

Når det er svært at finde noget velformuleret at citere, kan vi bare gøre, som vi plejer: Stoppe hos Steyn.  Her er fra dagens kronik i Wall Street Journal:

“The bad cop/worse cop routine the mullahs and their hothead President Ahmadinejad are playing in this period of alleged negotiation over Iran’s nuclear program is the best indication of how all negotiations with Iran will go once they’re ready to fly. This is the nuclear version of the NRA bumper sticker: “Guns Don’t Kill People. People Kill People.” Nukes don’t nuke nations. Nations nuke nations. When the Argentine junta seized British sovereign territory in the Falklands, the generals knew that the United Kingdom was a nuclear power, but they also knew that under no conceivable scenario would Her Majesty’s Government drop the big one on Buenos Aires. The Argie generals were able to assume decency on the part of the enemy, which is a useful thing to be able to do.

But in any contretemps with Iran the other party would be foolish to make a similar assumption. That will mean the contretemps will generally be resolved in Iran’s favor. In fact, if one were a Machiavellian mullah, the first thing one would do after acquiring nukes would be to hire some obvious loon like President Ahmaddamatree to front the program. He’s the equivalent of the yobbo in the English pub who says, “Oy, mate, you lookin’ at my bird?” You haven’t given her a glance, or him; you’re at the other end of the bar head down in the Daily Mirror, trying not to catch his eye. You don’t know whether he’s longing to nut you in the face or whether he just gets a kick out of terrifying you into thinking he wants to. But, either way, you just want to get out of the room in one piece. Kooks with nukes is one-way deterrence squared.

If Belgium becomes a nuclear power, the Dutch have no reason to believe it would be a factor in, say, negotiations over a joint highway project. But Iran’s nukes will be a factor in everything. If you think, for example, the European Union and others have been fairly craven over those Danish cartoons, imagine what they’d be like if a nuclear Tehran had demanded a formal apology, a suitable punishment for the newspaper, and blasphemy laws specifically outlawing representations of the Prophet. Iran with nukes will be a suicide bomber with a radioactive waist.

Ugens citat: Fund om paniske højrefløjspolitikere

Wall Street Journals meget indsigtsfulde (og generelt klassisk-liberalt lænende) politiske redaktør John Fund har mandag en syrlig kommentar til, hvorledes Republikanerne klarer sig p.t., og som vel bedst kan sammenfattes med det farverige og rammende udtryk, af man er ved at “snatch defeat out of the jaws of victory”.  Her er et uddrag af Funds klumme:

“It is becoming increasingly clear that the GOP majority is losing its team spirit, and many in Congress are going their own way as they eye a tough re-election climate. Back in 1994, that kind of behavior over a crime bill that failed to garner enough Democratic votes to pass on the floor was an early indicator that Democrats were in serious political trouble. They wound up losing control of both houses of Congress that year.

No one quite expects a tsunami of those proportions this year. Incumbent-protection devices and gerrymandered districts are likely to minimize GOP losses. But Republican strategists are now openly talking about the parallels between 1994 and 2006. …

Panicked politicians are not a pretty sight,” says GOP pollster Whit Ayres. “They usually run in the wrong direction”.

So far that’s exactly the direction that Republican have chosen to run in the last year as their national numbers and President Bush’s approval ratings have softened. From their scramble to ram through a national legislative solution to Terri Schiavo’s plight, to their overreaction to Hurricane Katrina, to their failure to recognize the public’s disgust with pork-barrel projects, to the Dubai Ports deal, Republicans have appeared to the world to be as unprincipled and rudderless as the politicians they campaigned against back in 1994. Unless they change course dramatically in the seven months between now and Election Day, they may well find themselves facing the same fate as the Democratic political dinosaurs of that year that they replaced.”

O bella libertà

Denne blogs udsendte korrespondent i en af de mest interessante byer i et af verdens dejligste (men ikke helt problemfrie) lande, vores med-punditokrat Jørgen Møller, har dd. en artikel i Weekendavisen’s “Ideer”O bella libertà. Her kan man blive klogere på historiske perspektiver vedrørende, hvad der er og ikke er liberalisme på italiensk.

Ugens citat: Politisk socialisering i '70erne

Politiken bragte i den forgangne uge en læsværdig kronik, “Modige bonderøve”, af Charlotte Kehler, hvori hun forsvarer ytringsfriheden og kritiserer Klaus Rifbjerg, og hvori der optræder denne oplysende indsigt i socialisering i 1970erne folkeskole:

“På et tidspunkt i 1974 skulle vi lege valgdag i klassen. Vi elever fik hver en stemmeseddel, og som det sig nu hør og bør, stemte vi i al hemmelighed. Vores lærer krydsede pædagogisk af ud for et af partibogstaverne, som hun havde skrevet op på tavlen, hver gang hun åbnede en af vores møjsommeligt sammenfoldede stemmesedler. Men rædslen begyndte så småt at lyse ud af hendes ansigt, og da resultatet af vores valg var en kendsgerning, var hun i en tilstand af chok. Alt for mange af os havde stemt borgerligt, og alt, alt for mange havde stemt på Fremskridtspartiet. (Ikke mærkeligt, da Z året forinden var braget ind i Folketinget med 28 mandater. Og 9-10-årige børn gør som bekendt, som deres forældre gør). Der var så mange krydser ud for Z, at vores lærer anså det for pinedød nødvendigt, at vi med det samme holdt et omvalg. Men inden vi på ny fik lov at sætte vores krydser, mente hun, at det var på sin plads, at vi fik at vide, hvilket parti hun stemte på. På tavlen skrev hun med store bogstaver: VS.

Nu kunne valghandlingen gå i gang. Resultatet blev et overvældende flertal til VS.

Det gode og røde dream team var ved at tage form. Og som tiden gik, fik vi også lært, hvem de onde var: kapitalisterne, profitmagerne, de borgerlige og ikke mindst amerikanerne.

Og mægtig opstemte sang vi alle med i kor: »Bag ved guldfisk og lakajer tjener bagmænd fedt på os, røde Wilfreds røde hilsner viser folk, hvorfor vi slås …« osv.

Da jeg gik ud af skolen i 9. klasse, var jeg umådelig socialt bevidst, hvilket var fint, men jeg anede ikke, hvem Grundtvig var, eller Harald Blåtand, for den sags skyld. Det havde vi ikke lært. Det var ikke nødvendigt, for vi var selv historie, blev vi fortalt. Vi var fremtiden, der skulle skabe det nye samfund.”

Hattip: Mr. Andersson.

Ugens citat: Sowell om grupper, kultur & velstand

Wall Street Journals weekendudgave havde et længere interview med den store skribent og Chicago-uddannede økonom, Thomas Sowell (Hoover Institution ved Stanford University).  Her arbejder han sammen med bl.a. Milton Friedman, som sammen med Georg Stigler var Sowells ph.d. vejleder på Chicago.  Sowell er fyldt 75 år, men er lige kommet med endnu en bog–til en i forvejen lang liste af bøger om emner rangerende fra økonomisk idehistorie over kulturstudier til race og etnicitet.  Fra interviewet bl.a. dette:

“The left likes to portray a group as sort of a creature of surrounding society. But that’s not true. For example, back during the immigrant era, you had neighborhoods on the Lower East Side [of Manhattan] where Jews and Italians arrived at virtually identical times. Lived in the same neighborhoods. Kids sat side by side in the same schools. But totally different outcomes. Now, if you look back at the history of the Jews and the history of the Italians you can see why that would be. In the early 19th century, Russian officials report that even the poorest Jews find some way to get some books in their home, even though they’re living in a society where over 90% of the people are illiterate.

“Conversely, in southern Italy, which is where most Italian-Americans originated, when they put in compulsory school-attendance laws, there were riots. There were schoolhouses burning down. So now you take these two kids and sit them side by side in a school. If you believe that environment means the immediate surroundings, they’re in the same environment. But if you believe environment includes this cultural pattern that goes back centuries before they were born, then no, they’re not in the same environment. They don’t come into that school building with the same mindset. And they don’t get the same results.”

Ugens citat: Trenchard & Gordon om ytringsfrihed

Til denne uges citat har vi været så heldige, at den glimrende unge Johan Espersen har gjort arbejdet for os: Han har mindet os om, hvad John Trenchard og Thomas Gordon i 1721 skrev om ytringsfrihed i det 15. Cato-brev.  Det kan–det aktuelle klima taget i betragtning–bære en gentagelse:

“Without freedom of thought, there can be no such thing as wisdom; and no such thing as publick liberty, without freedom of speech: Which is the right of every man, as far as by it he does not hurt and control the right of another; and this is the only check which it ought to suffer, the only bounds which it ought to know.

This sacred privilege is so essential to free government, that the security of property; and the freedom of speech, always go together; and in those wretched countries where a man can not call his tongue his own, he can scarce call any thing else his own. Whoever would overthrow the liberty of the nation, must begin by subduing the freedom of speech; a thing terrible to publick traitors.”

Punditokrater i medierne (igen)

Punditokraterne gør sig p.t. i medierne–og vi tænker her ikke kun på Mr. Laws alter ego, som jævnligt optræder som ekspert udi TDC-sagen.

Næ, i dagens Berlingske har Jacob Mchangama en kronik om forslaget om et FN-menneskerettighedsråd, samt nogle forslag til hvordan dette kunne gøres bedre ved at gøre et sådant mere eksklusivt.  Det hedder bl.a.:

“Et andet eksempel på relativiseringen af menneskerettigheder på FN-niveau er, at de 56 islamiske lande i OIC med udgangspunkt i Muhammed-striden fremlagde et forslag om, at det ny Menneskerettighedsråd skulle »forhindre tilfælde af intolerance, diskrimination og opfordringer til had med udgangspunkt i handlinger rettet mod religioner, profeter og trosretninger«. Med andre ord skulle Menneskerettighedsrådet begrænse snarere end beskytte ytringsfriheden. Den slags kompromiser ville ikke være nødvendige i en ny organisation af stater, der alle – om end i varierende grad – bekendte sig til og respekterede en kerne af basale borgerlige og politiske rettigheder. En kerne af rettigheder der udgør det nødvendige fundament for, at det liberale demokrati er funktionsdygtigt og legitimt. Man ville dermed kunne skære den svulstige og til tider nærmest religiøse menneskerettighedsretorik, der dominerer FN, væk og fokusere på rettigheder, der med Den Europæiske Menneskerettighedsdomstols ord er »praktiske og effektive« frem for »teoretiske og illusoriske«.

Og i tirsdags optrådte Mikael Jalving i DR2 Deadline som debattør overfor Morten Albæk m.h.t. Muhammed-krisens betydning for det borgerligt-liberale Danmark, herunder hvorvidt V og K bør samarbejde med De Radikale eller med Dansk Folkeparti.

Sidste lørdag havde Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard sin lørdags-klumme i Berlingske.  Denne er ikke tilgængelig på nettet, men traditionen tro gengiver vi den her lidt forsinket:

Om får, bukke og opportunister

Berlingske Tidende 4. marts 2006, 2 sektion, magasin, side 19

Muhammed-sagen har gjort det lettere at gennemskue, hvem der er hvad

Af Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard Professor, ph.d.

De fleste værdsætter frihed. I hvert fald deres egen. Sågar tyve insisterer ofte på, at de selv har ret til ikke at blive bestjålet, og mordere på, at de har en ret til ikke at blive slået ihjel. Der er med andre ord ofte langt fra, hvad mennesker mener, når de taler om generelle principper, til hvordan de vurderer egne handlinger eller andres handlinger mod dem.

I al enkelhed var det vel dét, statsministeren forsøgte at sige i sit nu berygtede interview om »får og bukke«. Men der har på kort tid dannet sig en række myter om, hvad statsministeren faktisk sagde.

Så lad os lige slå fast: Han sagde ikke, at alle danskere skulle smide alt, hvad de havde i hænderne, og kaste sig ind med fuld kraft i kampen for ytringsfrihed. Han sagde i særdeleshed ikke, at erhvervsvirksomheder skulle gøre det.

Dét statsministeren sagde var, at visse kredse i erhvervslivet og i kultur- og medielivet var principløse, fordi de nyder godt af ytringsfriheden, men samtidigt vil gå på kompromis med denne, når det strider med deres egeninteresse eller øvrige holdninger. At dét forholder sig sådan er svært at modsige. Torsdag blev det f.eks. uddybet, at der tilsyneladende har været erhvervskredse, som har lagt et decideret pres på regeringen for at få denne til at opføre sig på en anden måde i denne sag – herunder at give dén undskyldning, som den hverken kan eller bør give.

Og fra de personer på venstrefløjen, som i 1970erne syntes, at det var fint nok at anvende deres ytringsfrihed til at håne kristendommen og traditionelle normer og værdier, har der været en blanding af tavshed og tvetydig afstandtagen fra »tonen«. Hvor har de været nu, når selv samme ytringsfrihed bliver truet af en ideologi, der i dens frihedsfjendtlighed tangerer fascismen og kommunismen? Har man brugt lige så mange kræfter på at fordømme angreb på ytringsfriheden som på at kritisere »tonen«?

Har man i denne sag hørt et ord til f.eks. venstresocialisten Preben Wilhjelm, som ellers gerne fremstår som en forkæmper for borgerlige frihedsrettigheder? Til gengæld nåede man at høre noget fra den i den forgangne uge afdøde stalinist, komponisten Thomas Koppel. Denne – som i årevis aktivt støttede det marxistisk-leninistiske tyranni i Albanien, forfægtede kort før sin død på Al-Jazeeras hjemmeside, at ytringsfriheden skal kunne bruges til at samle penge ind til terrorbevægelser som PFLP og FARC og fysisk angreb på virksomheder, man ikke kan lide. Samtidig sammenlignede han Jyllands-Posten med Hitler og opfordrede »ofrene« til ikke at respektere »aggressorernes« ytringsfrihed.

Fra regeringens kritikere i medie- og kulturlivet har man derimod næsten dagligt gentaget en myte om, at der »jo aldrig er nogen, der har villet begrænse Jyllands-Postens ytringsfrihed«. Her må man uvilkårligt undre sig, hvor de pågældende har været det sidste halve år. Hele sagen begyndte med, at tegnere ikke ville illustrere en børnebog om Muhammed – ikke ud fra et moralsk ønske om selvcensur af hensyn til andre, men fordi man var bange for repressalier fra dem, som mener, at enhver portrættering af profeten er en dødssynd. Så bad man tegnere om at påtage sig opgaven for derved at markere, at man som avis ikke fandt det acceptabelt, at mennesker end ikke kunne tegne noget uden at frygte for deres eget liv. Konsekvenserne? At fremmede landes regeringer og politikere har insisteret på, at den danske stat skulle retsforfølge avisen, selvom den offentlige anklager ikke havde fundet grund dertil. At Jyllands-Posten er blevet udsat for adskillige bombetrusler. At avisen har fået sin hjemmeside angrebet. At der er udsat dusører på tegnernes og redaktørernes hoveder. At der er udsendt fatwaer og trusler i massevis, og for at pointere meningen med disse har organiserede pøbelmasser angrebet og brændt danske ejendomme i udlandet. Og at uskyldige kristne præster er blevet myrdet i flere lande.

Herhjemme har imam Abu Laban og de endnu mere radikale islamister vedvarende villet begrænse både Jyllands-Postens ytringsfrihed og andres om muligt med vidtgående fortolkninger af blasfemiparagraffen, men ellers ved at stramme lovgivningen. Noget lignende har jura-professorer som Eva Smith, Henning Koch og Gorm Toftegaard Nielsen været inde på. Enkelte medlemmer af PEN forfægter utvetydigt censur. Ved et heldags-debatmøde på Københavns Universitet for nylig var der stort set ingen, der forfægtede Jyllands-Postens ret til at offentliggøre tegningerne.

Som statsministeren sagde, så har denne sag gjort det lettere at se, hvem der er hvad.

Ugens citat: Ib Michael om ytringsfrihed

Med hat-tip til Waldorf på Liberator dette fortrinlige citat fra DR2 forleden, hvor Ib Michael diskuterede ytringsfrihed med Jens Rohde og Morten Hesseldahl:

“Hvorfor afskaffer I så ikke bare dem [de paragraffer i straffeloven der begrænser ytringsfriheden] og så har I jeres totalitære samfund.”

There you go again, Erasmus …!

Punditokraterne i medierne

Denne blog var forleden omtalt i en længere artikel i Information om den danske blogosfære, og der var–måske lidt overraskende–overvejende pæne ord med på vejen.  Den fulde artikeltekst findes hos forfatteren her, men her er den for os centrale passage:

“Ingen af disse bloggere [Uriasposten m.fl., red.] er tilsyneladende politisk aktive i gængs forstand. Og ikke alle er lige velartikulerede eller høflige i tonen.

Et mere gennemarbejdet bud på en decideret politisk blog i polemik med sin omverden, er den fritænkende Punditokraterne.dk, der virker inspireret af den amerikanske Instapundit (nr. 7 på top 50) og den britiske Samizdata.net.

Punditokraterne er blandt andre folk fra Copenhagen Business School, jurister og en Groft Sagt skribent fra Berlingske forsamlet for at skyde med meget liberale, verbale skarpskud. En velargumenteret og belæst flok, der stadig savner kvalificeret modstand fra deres politiske modfløj. Til gengæld ser de ikke ud til at kunne levere et gennembrud i form af en markant selvstændig historie, fordi de ikke oplever verden, men snarere fortolker den fra et skrivebord.”

Det er sådan set i orden, som de ville sige i Århus.  Vi skal i fremtiden bestræbe os på også at komme med en selvstændig historie, så vi kan få et gennembrud …

Ugens citat: Tierney om universiteter

Den fremragende John Tierneys klumme i New York Times i denne uge handler om universiteter–og særligt de amerikanske Ivy League-skoler.  Årsagen er, at Harvard Universitys rektor, fhv. finansminister Larry Summers (som uden US Supreme Courts Bush v. Gore afgørelse i januar 2001 let kunne være blevet fungerende præsident …), i sidste uge tog sin afsked, foranlediget af et kommende mistillidsvotum fra universitetets fastansatte forskere.  Årsagen er–udover at han blev et offer for amerikansk akademisk politisk korrekthed, når den er værst–at Summers forsøgte at tvinge forskerne til at interessere lidt mere for, hvad der egentlig er nyttigt for de studerende.  Men Tierneys pointer er generelle, og her kommer nogle af dem:

“[As] Adam Smith observed two centuries ago, the university tends to be organized “not for the benefit of the students” but “for the ease of the masters.” And nowhere is this more true than at an elite college like Harvard.

In most industries, a company would cater to customers paying $41,000 per year, but Harvard has been able to take its undergraduates for granted. …  Harvard has long known that the best students will keep coming, not for its classes but simply for its reputation. Smart students want to go where the other smart students go.

Suppose people picked hotels based on how intelligent they expected the other guests to be. Once a hotel got the reputation as a brain magnet, smart people would automatically go there, and hotel employees could afford to get complacent. They’d be more interested in their own welfare than their guests’ — especially if their jobs came with lifetime tenure.

At a university, the senior employees not only have tenure but are also used to controlling their own fiefs: departments vote on who’s hired and decide who teaches what. Unless a university president is willing to be less than collegial — and is backed by a board with more gumption than Harvard’s — there’s not much that can be accomplished.

Senior professors can shunt off the more tedious jobs, like teaching freshmen or grading papers, to low-caste graduate students or visiting lecturers. Or they just neglect the jobs that don’t appeal to them. That’s why Summers had to push them to teach survey courses and other basics.

You might expect the Harvard history department to devote a course or two to the American Revolution or the Constitution, but those topics are too mundane. Instead, there’s a course on the diaries of ordinary citizens during the Revolution, and another, “American Revolutions,” that considers the American and Haitian Revolutions as “a continuous sequence of radical challenges to established authority.” …

They’ve been insulated from reality in a political monoculture. The faculty discourse — or at least the discourse among those who bother to go to faculty meetings — has been so dominated by paleoliberals that Summers, a Democrat and a Clinton appointee, struck them as reactionary.”

Ugens citat: Norquist om rottehoveder, republikanere & cola

Den farverige amerikanske politiske aktivist Grover Norquist (leder af Americans for Tax Reform) er altid god for en ideologisk metafor.  Det var som bekendt ham, der i sin tid sagde, at han ønskede, at den amerikanske forbundsstat skulle være så lille, at den kunne druknes i et badekar.

Her en en anden metafor, som til med er dagsaktuelt i.f.t. de amerikanske Republikanere, der p.t. argumenterer for en slags “big government”-konservatisme; Norquist sagde således fornylig i en tale, at det er undergravende for tilliden til Republikanernes “brand”, som ellers har været succesrigt netop p.g.a. en politik om lave skatter:

“The reason this is important is the same reason that Coca-Cola has been so successful.  They brand Coca-Cola; they have quality controls.  You can walk into the store and you can grab a bottle of Coke off the shelves:  you don’t have to taste it, you don’t have to look at it, you don’t have to shake it around, you don’t have to ask your friends about Coca-Cola.  You just grab it off the shelf because you know what’s inside it.  Now if you get that bottle of coke home and you look at it and there’s a rat head in the coke bottle, you do not say to yourself, you know I’m not going to finish the rest of this coke bottle.  You tell your friends about the rat head in the coke bottle and you go on local television and show them the rat head in the coke bottle.  And all across the country, and the world, people say I wonder what my coke has? Okay.

Republican elected officials who vote for tax increases are rat heads in a coke bottle. They damage the Republican brand.  This is not a victimless crime:  oh Fred’s over in the corner raising taxes, but that’s Fred.  No! No!  Small children everywhere get discouraged if they see Republicans raising taxes because it confuses them, and they don’t know what it means to be a Republican.”

De liberale slår til igen …

Punditokraterne vil fra og med denne post indlede en on/off tilbagevendende serie af dokumentatiske indslag med den sigende titel “De Liberale Slår Til Igen …”.

Formålet er–“for the record”–at notere offentligt alle de eksempler, der måtte forekomme, hvor selverklærede liberale gør det stik modsatte af, hvad man skulle forvente, at et hensyn til personlig og økonomisk frihed, retssamfund og markedsøkonomi, o.s.v., skulle diktere–alle de eksempler på stillingtagen, der forsøger at fjerne ansvar fra individuelle borgere, markedsinstitutioner og civilsamfundets organisationer.  Vi håber, at serien bliver kort, men vi må nok erkende, at der er empirisk belæg for at forvente, at den bliver uendelig.

Vi lægger hårdt ud med dagens fine lille historie om, Venstres sundhedsordfører Jørgen Winther, som sammen med partiets ideologiske fanebærer, næstformand og indenrigs-og sundhedsminister Lars Løkke Rasmussen, har konkluderet, at den rette liberale politik er at forbyde rygning i alle offentlige rum:

“Venstres folketingsgruppe vil forbyde rygning på restauranter, caféer, butikscentre, banegårde og i lufthavne og idrætshaller. Samtidig vil partiet indrette hermetisk aflukkede rygerum, hvor der ikke må serveres mad eller fødevarer. … – Nu er der solid dokumentation for, at passiv rygning virkelig er farligt for helbredet. Nu er Venstre ved at være klar til at indføre dette, siger Jørgen Winther.”

Et totalforbud er det måske ikke helt.  Endnu.  Men næsten.  Og det er dog en begyndelse.  Og med en ekstra indsats skal det nok lykkes.  Punditokraterne ønsker Jørgen Winther og Lars Løkke Rasmussen held og lykke med det videre arbejde–der er jo endnu nok at tage fat på, hvis danskerne skal forhindres i at gøre noget som helst, der kan skade dem selv.

Ugens citat: Friedman om Skandinavien–og alt muligt

Vores allesammens “Onkel Milton”–altså Nobelprisvinderen Milton Friedman–er (som nævnt før her på stedet) “still going strong” og skarp som Occams Razor, selv om han nu nærmer sig de 94.  Det fremgår med tydelighed af et længere interview i New Perspectives Quarterly, som kommer vidt omkring: Irak krig, Reagan & Thatcher, Bush, EU, den “tredje vej”, og meget, meget andet–bl.a. de skandinaviske velfærdsstater:

NPQ | Perhaps the Scandinavian countries are a model to look at. They are high-tax but also high-employment societies. And they have freed up their labor markets much more than in Italy, France or Germany.

Friedman | Though it is not as true now as it used to be with the influx of immigration, the Scandinavian countries have a very small, homogeneous population. That enables them to get away with a good deal they couldn’t otherwise get away with.

What works for Sweden wouldn’t work for France or Germany or Italy. In a small state, you can reach outside for many of your activities. In a homogeneous culture, they are willing to pay higher taxes in order to achieve commonly held goals. But “common goals” are much harder to come by in larger, more heterogeneous populations.

The great virtue of a free market is that it enables people who hate each other, or who are from vastly different religious or ethnic backgrounds, to cooperate economically. Government intervention can’t do that. Politics exacerbates and magnifies differences.

Hat tip: Dan Drezners blog.

Hey hey, ho ho, multiple regression analysis has got to go!

Den ærede senator fra Commonwealth of Massachussets, fhv. Vietnam-demonstrant m.m., John F. Kerry (D), sammenfattede i den forgangne uge sit syn på dommer Samuel Alito, som efter alt at dømme idag (tirsdag) bliver bekræftet af Senatet som nyt medlem af US Supreme Court, herunder betydningen af moderne samfundsvidenskabelige metoder:

“[Judge Alito’s] record envisions an America where police may shoot and kill an unarmed boy to stop him from running away with a stolen purse; where federal agents point guns at ordinary citizens during a raid, even after no sign of resistance; where the FBI may install a camera where you sleep on the promise that they won’t turn it on unless the informant is in the room; where a black man may be sentenced to death by an all-white jury for killing a white man absent any kind of multiple regression analysis or other analysis of potential discrimination; and where police may search–I paraphrased that last sentence; it reads precisely ‘absent a multiple regression analysis showing discrimination’–and where police may search what a warrant, may search and define what a warrant permits and then some. This is not the America we know, he says, nor is it the America we aspire to be.”

Ja, det er vist en meget “fair and balanced” opsummering af juristens synspunkter …  Her er iøvrigt hvad Kerrys seniorkollega, Senator Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.) sagde om Robert Bork i 1987, da denne blev ‘borked’:

“Robert Bork’s America is a land in which women would be forced into back alley abortions, blacks would sit in segregated lunch counters, rogue police could break down citizens’ doors in midnight raids, schoolchildren could not be taught about evolution, writers and artists could be censored at the whim of government, and the doors of the federal courts would be shut on the fingers of million of citizens.”

Der er vist ikke noget at sige til, at amerikanerne refererer til Senatet som “the World’s greatest deliberative body” …

Hat tip: James Taranto fra OpinionJournal.com!

Ugens citat: B.-H. Lévy om USA, Frankrig og integration

Wall Street Journal havde lørdag et interview med den franske filosof fra det man ca. 1980 kaldte “det nye højre”, Bernard-Henri Lévy.  Lévy har i de seneste måneder haft en artikelserie om USA i det fortrinlige Atlantic Monthly (som ethvert begavet menneske burde læse), og denne kommer nu kommer i bogformat.  I den forbindelse dette interessante interview, hvori Lévy bl.a. forsvarede USA og kritiserede Irak-krigen:

“Mr. Lévy regards his own criticism of America not as anti-Americanism, but as tough love. He is an assiduous believer in America’s “manifest destiny,” and expects this country, clearly, to uphold the highest standards–as he sees them. Some of these standards he would prescribe to France, in particular the American approach to citizenship. He contrasts the “model of Dearborn”–the Detroit suburb, home to significant numbers of contented Arab-Americans–with the “model of St. Denis,” the Parisian banlieu where discontented Arab immigrants (never referred to as Arab-Frenchman) ran riot late last year. “What is good about America is that in order to be a citizen, you are not asked to resign from your former identity. You cannot tell Varadarajan or Lévy, ‘You have to erase from your mind the ancestors you had.’ In France, we erase.”

America, Mr. Lévy concludes, “is a factory of citizens, which has some defects, some problems, but the country works, not too badly. Better, I think, than mine.””

Ugens citat: Shadegg om "Ånden fra '94"

Kongresmedlem John Shadegg (R-AZ) er en af kandidaterne til den ledige post som Republikansk flertalsleder i Repræsentanternes Hus.  Han kæmper for sit kandidatur bl.a. med et indlæg i onsdagens Wall Street Journal, hvori han priser Ronald Reagan, Barry Goldwater m.fl. som idoler for, hvad partiet burde være i dag.  Heri hedder det bl.a.:

Ten years ago, the American people put Republicans in control of the House of Representatives for the first time in more than 40 years. It was a historic achievement, made possible because we stood for the principles the American people believed in: smaller government, returning power to the states, lower taxes, greater individual freedom and–above all–reform.

Some Republican leaders in the House seem to have lost sight of those principles, though the American people still believe in them. Meanwhile, Americans are sick of scandals. To fully regain their confidence–and to retain and grow the Republican majority–we need to make a clean break with the past and return to our ideals.
Republicans promised the American people two things in 1994. First, we promised to rein in the size and scope of the federal government. Second, we promised to clean up Washington. In recent years, we have fallen short on both counts. Total federal spending has grown by 33% since 1995, in inflation-adjusted dollars. Worse, we have permitted some of the same backroom practices that flourished in the old Democrat-controlled House. Powerful members of Congress are able to insert provisions giving away millions–even tens of millions–of dollars in the dead of night. The recent scandals involving Duke Cunningham and Jack Abramoff have highlighted the problem, but this is not just a case of a few bad apples. The system itself needs structural reforms. …

I grew up watching the example of Barry Goldwater, who worked closely with my father. He taught me that “a government that is big enough to give you all you want is big enough to take it all away.” That philosophy guided me when I ran for Congress in 1994. I was thrilled to be part of the Revolutionary Class of ’94, and the sense of hope and mission of the early days after the American people elected a Republican majority in the House is still with me. We believed then that we could take back our government, and I believe it today. …

House Republicans differ about policy and tactics, but we stand together in our respect for this institution, our hatred of corruption, and our support for the basic principles of our party. The American people overwhelmingly support the principles we stand for. We cannot allow the current scandals to distract their attention from our substantive agenda. If we do not make a clear, public break with the recent past, there is a good chance we will lose our majority.

I do not need a poll or questionnaire to tell me what Republicans stand for. The party of Ronald Reagan exists not to expand government, but to protect the American people from government’s excesses. President Reagan once said, “If you’re afraid of the future, then get out of the way, stand aside. The people of this country are ready to move again.”

WSJ‘s Brendan Miniter (hvis broder, Rich, har været venlig overfor denne blog) havde tirsdag en artikel netop om Shadegg, Reagan og Goldwater, og Republikanernes problemer p.t.

Punditokraterne ønsker godt nytår!

Vi Punditokrater ønsker hinanden og vores læsere et godt og lykkeligt nyt år–med fred og frihandel for alle!

Samtidigt skal der lyde en tak til vores læsere.  2005 var bloggens første år, og vi synes, at det generelt gik godt: Vi har siden marts 2005 haft knap 60.000 "unikke" besøgende, ca. 130.000 sidevisninger og ligger generelt på en 4., 5. eller 6. plads blandt chart.dk's danske politiske websites.  Det synes vi selv er en god begyndelse.

PS.  Og nå ja, i den politiske korrektheds navn: Happy Kwanzaa!

Ugens citat: Metz om egen fatteevne

Information har dd. et  stykke–traditionen tro–nærgående, kriti
sk journalistik, denne gang et interview med organets fhv. chefredaktør, nu senior surling, Georg Metz, som fylder 60 år.  Heri hedder det selverkendende:

“Hele den liberalt individualistiske tanke, som folk som tænketanken CEPOS bevæger sig i – de kunne lige så godt tale albansk baglæns. Jeg forstår det ikke.”

Well, så fik vi da dét afklaret–hvis man skulle have været i tvivl.